On the Nature of Trump’s Base and Class Politics in the U.S.
There is no meaningful difference between Republicans and Democrats. But it’s also inaccurate to claim that Trump voters are simply misinformed working-class people. A large part of Trump’s base actually comes from the reactionary petit bourgeoisie—small business owners, former police officers, military veterans, and others with similar social positions. That explains why urban areas, where the working class is concentrated, tend to vote overwhelmingly for Democrats.
A disproportionate number of the January 6 rioters were not poor workers—they were small business owners, ex-cops, military vets, and other members of the lower middle class. Not exactly “the working class”. The petit bourgeois can be extremely reactionary. Historically, they’ve formed the social base of fascistic and right-wing populist movements. This class is discontent—not because they want to overthrow capitalism, but because they’re being squeezed out by monopoly capital while simultaneously feeling threatened by labor. They are small capitalists who manage workers and often oppose government concessions to labor because such reforms undermine their position.
In contrast, the urban working class is typically more diverse and engaged in the labor movement. These workers are more likely to live and work alongside people of different races, nationalities, and backgrounds. This environment makes them less susceptible to the type of racial and nationalistic rhetoric that fuels fascistic movements. The concept of the “new petit bourgeoisie” likely applies to the U.S. context as well, referring to professionals and entrepreneurs who straddle the line between capital and labor.
For context, there are roughly 33.2 million small businesses in the U.S., employing about 46.4% of the private sector workforce. If we assume even one owner per business (and many businesses have multiple), that’s a large voting bloc. Then there are people who might technically be “working class,” but are retired, own their homes, and live in small towns. These individuals tend to be highly reactionary, particularly if they came of age in the 1980s during the Reagan-Thatcher era—an era marked by nationalism, privatization, and deeply racist and anti-labor policies.
These people aren’t petit bourgeois in a strict economic sense, but they do have a stake in the system—home ownership, pensions, a belief that they “worked hard” for what they have. At the same time, they often remain income-poor, so they experience the pressures of capitalism without identifying with the working class. This contradictory position makes them susceptible to parties and ideologies that promise to “protect what they have.” Hence, many get pulled into fascistic thinking: blaming immigrants, demonizing welfare recipients, and obsessing over taxes.
And then there’s the ideological state apparatus: police officers, military veterans, and prison guards. These people are often labeled “working class,” but they play a specific repressive role in capitalist society and are usually ideologically aligned with the right.
All of this makes it far too simplistic to claim that the “white working class” is inherently reactionary. Sure, some are racist or propagandized, but it’s an overgeneralization—the same kind of argument people make in the UK, and it’s just as flawed there.
In the U.S., Trump’s voters tend to be older, live in smaller towns (not cities), and have lower incomes—but that includes a lot of retired homeowners. Importantly, a significant portion of his base includes small business owners, police, and military veterans. It’s not white baristas organizing in the Starbucks union alongside Black co-workers who are voting for Trump
Nor is it white students who’ve moved to cities, or part-time service workers, or struggling college grads living in diverse urban areas. These people tend to live with, work with, and befriend people of different backgrounds. They’re far less likely to be swept up by fascist rhetoric.
Remember: most of the working class is in the cities, and most cities are not fascistic. That tells you something important about where the class lines actually fall.
On Trump, Fascism, and U.S. Imperialism
Trump, in many ways, is just America unfiltered—a symptom of U.S. imperial decline. Much of what he does is only possible because previous administrations, both Republican and Democrat, laid the groundwork. Militarized borders, an expanding police state, bipartisan support for endless war—none of this began with Trump.
Where was the first Cop City proposed? Atlanta—a Democrat-run city. Who pushed for arming Ukraine? Biden. Under what president did the crime bill happen? Clinton. Both parties support police militarization, surveillance, and aggressive foreign policy. Trump is just using the tools the system gave him.
So when people see the U.S. drifting toward fascism and point the finger solely at Trump or his supporters, they’re missing the bigger picture. Both Democrats and Republicans laid the groundwork for this.
The United States has always been fascist. It genocided its native population, built its economy on chattel slavery, maintained racial apartheid through Jim Crow, and now perpetuates economic apartheid. The structures were always there—Trump simply made them louder and more visible.
