Getting started on chapter four now

But I should have more time this week to fully catch up

Uhg I'm so far behind lol. Kids + work = no time to learn where a coat gets its value from.

Actually, I got though C1S1 today. Going to pick up more on my lunchs at work.

caught up!

I relate to that, I was like reading a bunch of other books to, but in the end I kind of just dropped them all and I'm just primarily reading Das Kapital now. and even then it still takes me a while to read

You and quarrk are #goals

Yep pretty much.

Also the first capitalist to find a lower-cost way to produce, like with automation, gets a disproportionate share of profits at first and can even use it as an opportunity to gain overall marketshare, thus increasing their bulk of profit even if per-unit profit has decreased. For example, if they sell a table for 25% less due to cutting labor costs by 30% but sell 50% more of them, their total mass of profit has increased (albeit temporarily unless they have a monopoly).

It's about comparative advantage in the short term as well as the tension between labor and capital. Not to mention the natural proclivity for people (mostly workers) to improve processes they are involved with, improvements that are usually claimed by the capitalists and incorporated into the capital mass. Whether the improvements are actually incorporated or secreted away and suppressed, though, depends on the former points imo.

Comparative advantage is one capitalist's ability to outproduce others, beating them to market or enjoying higher margins, ultimately hoping to monopolize. Socially-necessary labor doesn't adjust instantaneously, it shifts according to the degree a given technology is commonly accessible or in proportion to the amount of the commodity in that society is produced with said technology versus older technologies.

The tension or contradiction between labor and capital here is that labor has a fundamental power in the dialectic, inasmuch as labor's contribution to the system is the one that "matters"; capital's power in the relationship is arbitrary or enforced (a sort of lord-bondsman dialectic). The very definition of capitalist necessitates an exploited worker, but not vise versa. Thus capital is always looking for ways to subvert labor's power. Automation and the threat thereof has a localized effect of temporarily disciplining labor.

Without competition and/or tension from labor, I don't think there's much impetus for capitalists to improve upon their systems. Labor is comparatively cheap when disciplined.

At least that's how I understand it.

While labour-intensive production might be more profitable for the bourgeois class as a whole, individual capitalists don't really have a choice in the matter: they have to use the most efficient process available to compete. Is that the Marxist explanation?

Yes. The bourgeoisie may be a class with a common interest as capitalists but that does not mean there is not struggle within the bourgeoisie. An individual firm that wants to survive, let alone surpass the social average, must keep up with the state of the art, or perish.

In those industries which have absolute monopoly due to legal mandate, you do see a plateau in technological development; everyone knows this from experience.

Even without competition there is still the possibility to increase profits by improving technology, thereby reducing unit value, while enjoying a static market price due to legal mandate or artificially limiting supply.

Your question is 100% valid and it strikes at the heart of the matter. Capitalists seek surplus value in whatever way they can find it. In certain economic conditions such as tense competition or strong labor, the capitalist might find they can only extract surplus value by producing commodities with less than socially average labor time by advancing technology. This is relative surplus value since the surplus value is relative to the rest of the book producers. But capitalists don't necessarily do this if absolute surplus value can be extracted. (Analysis of imperialism can be expanded here.)

While labour-intensive production might be more profitable for the bourgeois class as a whole, individual capitalists don't really have a choice in the matter: they have to use the most efficient process available to compete.

Yes, and this is part of a general contradiction that capitalism constantly reduces socially necessary labor to an absolute minimum, which at the same time disintegrates the basis of capitalism. (By basis I mean the extraction of surplus labor, the labor cannot be extracted if there is not a necessary labor to speak of.) Pre-empting some later parts of the book and also Volume 3.

CC is a multiplier for capitalist, if your shit machine makes 10 coats per worker and new shiny machine makes 12 coats per worker, your eyes lit up and you want new machine. You pay your workers the same and get more coats.

But uh huh new shine machine slowly propagates through the economy, and the amount of coats needed remains largely the same ( you ahve not changed worker compensation for them to buy more coats). Now you've done fucked up, and you fire some workers until new equilibrium is found.

This is the subject of Part Four: The Production of Relative Surplus Value.

But to jump ahead, imagine a global village where 10 capitalists all produce yarn (buying labour power and means of production in market etc). We will hold the length of the working day steady (as this is the end result of chapter 10).

Each capitalist produces 10 yarn in a day, each bearing 1 unit of value, and hence each capitalist, after selling their yarn, has 10 units of value. The working day cannot be increased, so other methods of increasing the portion of the working day devoted to the production of surplus value must be found.

Suddenly one of the capitalists finds a way to increase the productivity of his spinner, whether by some new machine or by some new organizational method. This capitalist can now produce twice as much yarn in a day per unit of labour power. Hence, he produces 20 yarn a day with the same amount of variable capital. If this new method of production were adopted generally, socially necessary labour time to produce yarn would fall by half, each yarn bearing half as much value. Consequently, if this new method of production were adopted generally, this capitalist would find no new profit, as you say.

But the other 9 capitalists are still using the old production methods, because of patents, lack of funds, etc. Hence, the socially average labour time to produce the yarn hasn't fallen by half; it has fallen by 5% (unless my math is wrong; regardless the socially average labour time falls slower for society than for the capitalist using new production methods).

Each of the other 9 capitalists continue producing as they had before, but now their day's product of 10 yarn bears only 9.5 units of value, in spite of their workers continuing to work for as long as they had before. They begin to see a deficit. In contrast, the capitalist using new productive methods has produced 20 yarn bearing 19 units of value.

This is one of the contradictions that becomes an issue later. Profit is highest when variable capital is highest, but you are not producing nearly as much. The speed at which you produce also affects profit. You then enter an overproduction crisis, when you have less people paid well enough to consume, but capitalists have an overabundance of products, they can no longer sell.

Tfw all the criticisms of Marx written after Marx's death were deconstructed and debunked by Marx in his book but no one reads it

Labor Theory of Value

Critics substituting their own idealistic conceptions of value. Marx is really clear about how his theory of value differs from all prior theories: the recognition of the dual character of commodities as both use-value and value

Historical Materialism

is no more deterministic than Darwinian evolution is deterministic. The constellation of different life forms proves that evolution is not deterministic, however you can still understand a lot through the recognition of the material constraint imposed on life, namely survival in a given environment. Analyzing biological evolution from the abstract perspective of survival and statistics is not an oversimplification; it correctly identifies the essential law governing evolution regardless of the particular form it takes, e.g., the particular species being considered.

In the same way that Darwin's theory does not predict future evolution of species, neither does Marx's theory predict future evolution of society. It is a way to understand past developments and how to influence future developments, but it does not reduce to a mere formula or procedure.

When Marx says that communism is inevitable, it is so, given that capitalism develops according to its own intrinsic laws and contradictions. It is trivially true that an asteroid or a zombie apocalypse could send us back to the stone age to halt this process.

Capitalism is the final form of class society because in capitalism all personal, direct forms of exploitation have fully detached into the impersonal, abstract form of capital. There can be no revolution against a class of individual persons because individuals only represent the underlying economic relation of capital. This is why Marx and Engels thought that anti-capitalist revolution must necessarily oppose itself to exploitation as such.

Dialectical Materialism

Not much to say on this except that most critics (and many Marxists) have a shit understanding of dialectical materialism.

Centralized Planning

Critics not understanding that the only difference in central planning, as regarding capitalism and communism, is that the former does not recognize production to be social while the latter does. The moment a division of labor occurs in society, production is social. The question is whether property relations keep up.

Capitalism, through its tendency to centralize capital into an ever shrinking number of firms, by itself centralizes planning. This is one of the most revolutionary points of Capital: that this tendency of centralization lays the groundwork for a communist revolution, since the transition becomes more obvious and easy when only a handful of large conglomerates would need to be seized. The transition would be almost purely formal, a matter of changing ownership, rather than requiring any change to the material conditions of production.

"Mankind thus inevitably sets itself only such tasks as it is able to solve, since closer examination will always show that the problem itself arises only when the material conditions for its solution are already present or at least in the course of formation."

Alienation and Exploitation

Critics arguing that "ackshually the workers like it!1!" isn't real criticism, just apologia.

It felt like rebutting some argument that was hot in 1837 but I haven't heard of since then (I'm a vampire btw)

Another tendency towards increased division of labor - the effect of imperialism and social division of labor across country boundaries. If yarn can be purchased for cheaper from a country with low cost of labor power, then firm #2 can import this cheaper yarn to produce socks with less labor than production occurring entirely in the same country.

This is the general idea of The Wealth of Nations: some countries can do things more efficiently than others, so instead of trying to preserve your national industries (Mercantilism), you should allow other countries to do what they're good at, buy from them, focus on what your country is good at and export that/ So it's an inter-national division instead of the social division of labour we're looking at in the text.

I'm aware I didn't answer your question lol, I don't know the answer.

A shortage in raw materials, or a supply chain issue with yarn would end up hurting the “nimbler” firm, right?

I should really put audio links in the top

Another way of thinking about it, if you found quarrk's way hard to follow:

If the ratio of s to v is 80:52, that means that if you divide a period of labour-time into 80+52=132 equal portions, 80 will go to s and 52 will go to v. So in a period of 1 hour, for example, you have

• 80/132 of an hour devoted to surplus, and
• 52/132 of an hour devoted to necessary.

Now it's not immediately obvious since 132 is such a big number, but if you simplify these fractions (by dividing each side of each fraction by 4) you get

• 80/132 = 20/33 and
• 52/132 = 13/33 respectively.

To then get the fractions for 10 hours, you simply multiply each by 10, giving

• (20/33) * 10 = 200/33 = 6 2/33 hours surplus, and
• (13/33) * 10 = 130/33 = 3 31/33 hours necessary.

how did Marx get the calculations for like neccesary labour hours, and then the surplus labour for this part?

He calculated a rate of surplus value of s/v = 80/52. The ratio of s:v is the same as the ratio of unpaid labor:paid labor. So how would 10 hours divide into two parts, where the size of one part is 80/52 times the size of the other part?

I like to visualize it by plotting a graph (sorry I don't know how to get Wolfram to flip the axes, but the answer is the same)

• The rate of surplus value is s/v=80/52 or equivalently s=(80/52)v. Plotting this on a graph, where the x-axis is v and the y-axis is s, the slope is 80/52.
• Whatever the relative size of s and v, we know s+v=10 for a 10 hour day. So let's also plot the line s=10-v on the same graph.
• The intersection of these two lines gives us the answer for how much of a 10 hour day resolves into s and v for a rate of exploitation of 80/52.