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A surveillance camera recording obtained by the Ukrainian service of Radio Liberty captured the moment of the death of 70-year-old Bucha resident Volodymyr Rubailo, who was shot by Russian soldiers on Yablunska Street on March 4, 2022. Still images from this video were published in June of this year, but the full recording has only now been made public.

The footage shows the man first being shot, then finally being killed with a bullet to the head. One of the soldiers approaches the body and takes something from Volodymyr Rubailo’s pocket.

After that, the same group of soldiers goes towards a nearby grocery store and begins looting it. They carry out food and bottles — presumably alcohol — in baskets and shopping carts, then load them into bags. They later drank the looted liquid right in front of the cameras. At one point, one of the soldiers noticed the camera and smashed it with a sword he had in his possession.

[...]

According to Radio Liberty's investigation, the crime may be linked to soldiers of the 234th Air Assault Regiment from Pskov, a unit of which was stationed in that area. Journalists suggest that the shots were fired from a position where, according to conclusions reached by Ukrainian ballistics experts, a squad under the command of Russian Sergeant Vladimir Borzunov had been located.

In a conversation with a Radio Liberty correspondent, Sergeant Borzunov confirmed that Rubailo, along with Oleksandr Konovalov and Ihor Horodetskyi, had been killed by Russian soldiers, but he denied that he or his subordinates were involved in their murders. Journalists discovered that it was Borzunov himself who retrieved something from Rubailo’s pocket.

[...]

Hört hört, hört hört...

Mitglied beim Kampfsportverein Klötze. Dessen Vorsitzender, der Bundestagsabgeordnete Thomas Korell (AfD), kündigte als Strafe an, sie zunächst bis zum Jahresende für Wettkämpfe zu sperren.

Der AfDler schließt also seine Prügelgarde von Wettkämpfen aus. Sorry, in meinem Dojang würde so ein Verhalten eine umgehende Suspendierung und den Ausschluß bedeuten.

Der Nazi züchtet sich seine lokale Schutzabteilung heran, wahrscheinlich noch unter den Augen seiner Kumpels von der Justiz.

Archived

Sergei Matviyenko, son of Russia’s third-highest-ranking official, Federation Council Speaker Valentina Matviyenko, permanently resides in a villa in the Italian city of Pesaro on the Adriatic coast. This is reported by an investigation by Linkiesta.

The Matviyenko family’s villa was first revealed by investigators from Alexei Navalny’s team in 2022. The three-story mansion, with an area of 774 square meters, sits on a 26-hectare plot — the Matviyenko family also owns a private 650-meter stretch of shoreline. The villa is valued at 10 million euros.

According to Linkiesta, Matviyenko purchased the villa back in 2009 (when she was governor of St. Petersburg). The property was later re-registered to the Italian Dominanta Foundation, which in practice conducts no actual business. Journalists report that the family’s acquisition of the villa and entry into local business circles were facilitated by attorney Marco Ginesi, who serves as the honorary consul of the Russian Federation in Ancona, on the Adriatic coast.

Currently, Sergei Matviyenko lives at the villa together with his wife, Yulia, the founder of the luxury clothing brand JM. He has an Italian tax number for business activities in the IT sector, but in reality, Matviyenko runs no business there. The tax number is needed only to maintain residency status and access to banks, Linkiesta writes.

Shortly before the EU imposed sanctions on Valentina Matviyenko over the Russian full-scale invasion of Ukraine (her signature appears on the formal authorization for Putin to send in troops), Sergei transferred “a significant portion of the family assets” to San Marino, according to investigators who cite documents. Journalists believe that the lack of updates to San Marino’s legislation and the opacity of its banking system help the Matviyenko family keep their assets outside Russia.

• The Federation Council speaker’s son is 52 years old and was born in Leningrad. In 1994, as found by an investigation by the Main Directorate of the Ministry of Internal Affairs for St. Petersburg, Matviyenko Jr., along with accomplices, allegedly beat a man, extorted money from him, and robbed his apartment. At the time, Valentina Matviyenko was serving as Russia’s ambassador to Malta, and she was forced to return to St. Petersburg — her son was not held accountable.

• Even then, Valentina Matviyenko’s son was working as a manager in financial organizations. After his mother was appointed as the governor of St. Petersburg in 2003, Sergei’s career took off — he began working at VTB, a Russian majority state-owned bank. In 2005, Sergei became a senior vice president of the bank, and in 2006, general director of VTB’s development division.

• By 2009, Sergei Matviyenko had become a billionaire. During his mother’s tenure as governor, Sergei managed to build a real estate business empire and implement large-scale projects in the city: an entertainment complex in the 300th Anniversary Park, a contemporary art center opposite the cruiser Aurora, the reconstruction of buildings on Vasilyevsky Island, and others.

I altered the title to remove the clickbait and copy in context from the start of the article. The original title was:

This viral chocolate is part of a salmonella risk recall as 9 hospitalized

The list of affected products:

In recent days, recalls have been posted for Al Mokhtar Food Centre brand of pistachios, Habibi brand of pistachio kernels in addition to the Dubai brand of chocolate bar containing pistachio and khafeh.

Article link archive

The Islamic Republic, on the other side of the Gulf, is in a serious pickle. After its war with Israel, it is more isolated than ever. Its oil exports are still flowing, but it is struggling to collect the proceeds because America keeps cranking up sanctions on anyone helping it move money. Britain, France and Germany are threatening to restore their own embargoes unless it resumes nuclear negotiations in earnest. That is pushing Iran to find new ways to pay for the foreign goods it so desperately needs. Flooding the Gulf with fruit and veg is one of them. Iran now supplies nine out of ten cauliflowers, tomatoes and watermelons imported by the UAE, a near-monopoly built in just a few years.

Noooooo cauliflowers!!

Pixiv

(...)"Ich befürchte ja ehrlich gesagt, dass die meisten unserer Regierenden nicht reif für die Zukunft sind, darüber einfach zu wenig oder zu beschränkt nachdenken – weniger als beispielsweise Grundschulkinder" (...)

Derzeit ist der Himmel in vielen Teilen Europas auffällig milchig. Diese Veränderung betrifft Regionen von den Britischen Inseln über Frankreich, Süddeutschland bis hin zum Alpenraum.

Norddeutschland ist auch betroffen, sagt mein lokaler Wetterbericht.

Port Sudan (Sudan) (AFP) – Sudan's air force has destroyed an Emirati aircraft carrying Colombian mercenaries as it landed at a paramilitary-controlled airport in Darfur, killing at least 40 people, the army-aligned state TV said Wednesday.

A military source, speaking to AFP on condition of anonymity, said the UAE plane "was bombed and completely destroyed" at Darfur's Nyala airport.

The airport has recently come under repeated air strikes by the Sudanese army, at war with the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) since April 2023.

There was no immediate comment from the RSF or from the United Arab Emirates.

Colombia's President Gustavo Petro said his government was trying to find out how many Colombians died in the attack. "We will see if we can bring their bodies back," he wrote on social media platform X.

State TV said the aircraft had taken off from an airbase in the Gulf, carrying dozens of foreign fighters and military equipment intended for the RSF, which controls nearly all of Darfur.

The army, led by Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, has long accused the UAE of supplying advanced weaponry, including drones, to the RSF via Nyala airport.

Abu Dhabi has denied the accusations, despite numerous reports from UN experts, US political officials and international organisations.

Satellite images released by Yale University's Humanitarian Research Lab have shown multiple Chinese-made long-range drones at the airport of the South Darfur state capital.

In June, three witnesses told AFP that a cargo plane was bombed shortly after landing at Nyala airport.

On Monday, Sudan's army-aligned government accused the UAE of recruiting and funding Colombian mercenaries to fight for the RSF, claiming it has documents proving that.

Reports of Colombian fighters in Darfur date back to late 2024 and have been confirmed by UN experts.

This week, the Joint Forces -- a pro-army coalition in the vast western region of Darfur -- reported over 80 Colombian mercenaries fighting on the RSF's side in El-Fasher, the last Darfur state capital still under army control.

Several were reportedly killed in drone and artillery operations during the RSF's latest offensive, the coalition said.

The army also released video footage it said was of "foreign mercenaries believed to be from Colombia".

AFP was not able to verify the videos.

In December, Sudan said Colombia's foreign ministry had expressed regret "for the participation of some of its citizens in the war".

Colombian mercenaries, many former soldiers and guerrillas, have appeared in other global conflicts and were previously hired by the UAE for operations in Yemen and the Gulf.

In his post Wednesday, Petro said he was moving to ban mercenary activity, calling it "a trade in men turned into commodities to kill."

Sudan's war, now in its third year, has killed tens of thousands, displaced 13 million and plunged the nation into the world's worst hunger and displacement crisis.

Nur ein Bildschirmschuss aus der wunderbaren Welt der Mikroweich-IT-Lösungen der 20er Jahre. Falls das zu niedrig-Aufwand ist, gerne löschen.

(San Miguel Anenecuilco, Mexico, 1879 - Morelos, 1919) Mexican revolutionary. In the complex development of the Mexican Revolution of 1910, the so-called agrarian leaders took up the just aspirations of the humblest rural classes, who had been driven to misery by an arbitrary agrarian policy that dispossessed them of their land. Of them all, Emiliano Zapata remains the most admired.

In the face of the unscrupulous ambition or ideological inconsistency of Pancho Villa or Pascual Orozco, and in the face of an idea of revolution more linked to the war for power than to social transformation, Emiliano Zapata remained faithful to his ideals of justice and gave absolute priority to effective achievements. Unfortunately, that same firmness and constancy in the face of the confusing revolutionary winds determined his isolation in the state of Morelos, where he undertook fruitful reforms from a position of virtual independence that no government could tolerate. His assassination, instigated from the presidency, led to the rapid dissolution of his work and the exaltation of the leader, who would go down in history as one of the great revolutionary myths of the 20th century.

Biography

Member of a humble peasant family, he was the ninth of the ten children Gabriel Zapata and Cleofás Salazar had, of whom only four survived. Emiliano Zapata worked as a child as a laborer and sharecropper and received poor schooling. He was orphaned around the age of thirteen, and both he and his older brother Eufemio inherited some land and a few head of cattle, a legacy with which they had to support themselves and their two sisters, María de Jesús and María de la Luz.

Emiliano remained in his native town, Anenecuilco, where, in addition to working his land, he was sharecropper of a small part of the land of a neighboring hacienda. During the times when work in the fields decreased, he dedicated himself to driving mule trains and traded with the animals that were his great passion: horses. When he was about seventeen years old, he had his first confrontation with the authorities, which forced him to leave the state of Morelos and to live for some months hiding in the ranch of some friends of his family.

One of the causes of the Mexican Revolution was the disastrous agrarian policy developed by the regime of Pofirio Díaz. Under the protection of the iniquitous laws enacted by the dictator, landowners and large companies took over communal lands and small properties, leaving the humble peasants dispossessed or displaced to almost sterile areas. It is estimated that in 1910, the year of the outbreak of the Revolution, more than ninety percent of the peasants were landless, and about a thousand large landowners employed three million braceros.

In 1909, a new real estate law threatened to worsen the situation. In September of the same year, the four hundred or so inhabitants of Zapata's village, Anenecuilco, were summoned to a clandestine meeting to deal with the problem; it was decided to renew the municipal council, and Emiliano Zapata was elected president of the new council.

He was then thirty years old and had considerable charisma among his neighbors for his moderation and self-confidence. As president of the council, Zapata began to deal with lawyers from the capital to assert the property rights of his countrymen; such activity did not go unnoticed, and possibly because of this the army called him to the army.

Back in Morelos, Emiliano Zapata took his first drastic decision: leading a small armed group, he occupied the Hospital lands and distributed them among the peasants. The daring action had resonance in nearby towns, as similar situations were taking place everywhere; Zapata was appointed head of the Junta of Villa de Ayala, a town that was the head of the district to which his hometown belonged.

The Mexican Revolution

Agrarian policy and the abysmal social inequalities brought about by the Porfiriato were among the root causes of the Mexican Revolution, but its immediate trigger was Porfirio Díaz's decision to run in the 1910 elections. Such "elections" were in reality a pseudo-democratic farce to extend his mandate for another six years; the old dictator, after repressing and eliminating freedom of the press and any hint of political dissidence, maintained the formalism of being reelected periodically.

Francisco I. Madero, founder of the Anti-Reelectionist Party (a political formation that aspired precisely to interrupt this perpetuation), had presented his candidacy for the 1910 elections, but was persecuted and forced into exile. Understanding the futility of the democratic path, Francisco Madero launched from exile the Plan of San Luis, a political proclamation in which he called on the Mexican people to take up arms against the dictator on November 20, 1910, the date of the beginning of the Mexican Revolution.

In Morelos, many immediately joined the insurrection; this was not the case, however, of Zapata. He did not fully trust the promises of the Plan of San Luis, and he wanted to see the land distributions he had made at the head of the Junta of Villa de Ayala recognized and legitimized with appointments beforehand. For the leadership of the uprising in Morelos, Francisco Madero chose Pablo Torres Burgos; after being named colonel by Pablo Torres, Zapata adhered to the Plan of San Luis and in March 1911, upon the death of Torres, he was designated "supreme chief of the revolutionary movement of the South".

With that rank he took the city of Cuautla in May, the starting point to extend his power over the state, and proceeded to distribute the lands in the area he controlled. In the rest of the country, meanwhile, the Revolution spread and triumphed rapidly: the dictator's army was defeated in barely six months. In May 1911, Porfirio Díaz went into exile after transferring power to Francisco León de la Barra, who assumed the interim presidency (May-November 1911) until elections were held.

The Ayala Plan

After the fall of the dictatorship of Porfirio Diaz, disagreements soon arose between Zapata, who demanded the immediate distribution of the hacienda lands among the peasants, and Francisco Madero, who demanded the disarming of the guerrillas.

But, in spite of the revolutionary triumph, a good part of the regime's machinery was still in the hands of former Porfiristas (starting with León de la Barra), who occupied high positions in the administration and in the theoretically defeated army. When, in July 1911, a large part of the Zapatistas had surrendered their weapons, the army began to harass the peasants and then Zapata himself, who narrowly escaped arrest; throughout that summer, the government troops destroyed Zapata's work, but their action united the peasants against him, who, taking up arms again, recovered their positions and were ultimately strengthened.

Against Huesta and Carranza

Madero would fall victim to a coup in February 1913, led by Victoriano Huerta and supported by the USA, Huerta would execute Madero and declared a dictatorship. The attacks of the government against Zapata would increase, but Zapata was able to stop Huerta’s offensive and strengthened his position on Morelos.

On the rest of the Country, many revolutionaries would rise up on rebellion against the traitor Huerta government. One of this was governor of Coahuila Venustiano Carranza, who declare himself leader of the constitutionalists. Another was Pacho Villa in Chihuahua who led the agrarian movement on the North. Both were able to defeat Huerta in July 1914. Zapata’s defense of Morelos would prove and important part of the defeat of Huerta thanks to stretching his forces thin between north and south. Eventually the three revolutionaries would split due to ideological differences, with Carranza wanting to continue Madero’s program, and Villa and Zapata wanting a land reform leading to a momentary alliance between both on October 1914. Both would take over Mexico City, but differences would arise ending in the dissolution of the Alliance and both going their own way.

Last Years

The civil war would continue in 1915, after the defeat of Villa, the constitutionalists would center their attacks on the State of Morelos. On 1916 Zapata would enter talks with general Pablo González but this would fall through, with Gonzales invading Moreles, Zapata would regain control of the state in January 1917.

Faced with the impossibility of ending the movement and the threat that Zapata posed to the federal government (to the extent that radicals from other states could follow his example), Carranza and González hatched a plan to assassinate Zapata. By making him believe that he was going to go over to his side and that he would deliver ammunition and supplies, Colonel Jesús Guajardo, who was directing government operations against him, managed to lure Zapata to a secret meeting at the Chinameca farm in Morelos. When Zapata, accompanied by ten men, entered the hacienda, the soldiers who pretended to present them with weapons shot him at point-blank range.

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