I'm not used to writing long posts here but since the French communist youth (MJCF, Mouvement jeunes communistes de France) held its 44th congress recently I thought I might share some takeaways from it. Note however that I am not in France at the moment, nor was I there during the whole run-up to the congress itself, so I am sharing what I've been told by other comrades and what I can gather from the new texts that have been voted on.
According to our general secretary, the number of members doubled since the last congress in 2022.
Speaking of doubling in size, since the last congress in 2022 the size the MJCF's policy text grew from 37 pages to 56. Generally, it seems that this new text confirms the return to Marxism-Leninism that had been started by the previous congress, and clarifies many things that have been left merely implied or glossed over. One part of the text that I want to highlight is the way that the text lists the historical and philosophical foundations that make up the MJCF's understanding of Marxism-Leninism:
"It [the MJCF] draws from the French Revolution the aspiration to truly popular sovereignty, which only the emancipation of the proletariat can achieve. It rejects the bourgeois confiscation of the Republic and human rights, and asserts that only a society free of capitalism will enable the people to exercise their sovereignty fully. It also draws on universalism, the foundation of equality in rights and a necessary step towards genuine equality. It draws on French history to build its political project around the demand for a Social Republic, as opposed to a bourgeois republic.
It adopts the work of Marx and Engels to analyse and change the social relations of production. It affirms the revolutionary role of the proletariat in opposition to ["antagoniste à" in the original] the bourgeoisie, whose political and economic goal is the abolition of private ownership of the means of production and the need to socialise those means.
It appropriates Jaurès' contributions to socialist ideas in France, as well as his fights for peace and secularism ["laïcité" in the original]. He saw capitalism as incompatible with any aspiration for peace between peoples.
It draws from the work and life of Lenin his conception of organisation and the seizure of power. Without a party and without organisation, there can be no revolution and no seizure of power by the working class. It embraces Lenin's analysis of imperialism. It defines imperialism as the supreme stage of capitalism.
This is what the MJCF calls Marxism-Leninism."
Contrast this with the policy text of the 43rd congress, where the only mention of Marxism, Leninism or the rest of the movement’s historical roots was this single short sentence:
"The MJCF embraces Marxism-Leninism as the historic political current to which it belongs."
But the text doesn't just mention Marx, Engels and Lenin here and leave it at that. Indeed, another change from the previous policy text is that there are now proper definitions of the socialist revolution, of the dictatorship of the proletariat (as part of the new definition of socialism) and of democratic centralism (which has a whole section dedicated to it). They are as follows:
"Socialist revolution consists of the overthrow of capitalist social relations through democratic control of economic, social and political institutions by the working class and the abolition of bourgeois property. […] The French Socialist Revolution will take a form which is appropriate to the material conditions of the country. It is a long-term construction which requires the structuring and strengthening of the organisation."
"Socialism is a phase in which the working class has taken control of the state and the economy, but where the reminiscences of capitalism and the reaction of the bourgeoisie remain strong. It is a phase in which workers are learning to manage society themselves, with the defence of their long-term interests at its heart. The dictatorship of the proletariat, i.e. the total exercise of power by the proletariat, is necessary to prevent the counter-revolution of the bourgeoisie and to bring the revolution to a successful conclusion."
"The MJCF does not operate on the basis of factions. It does not tolerate any strategy of entryism by other organisations into its midst and does not practise entryism in other organisations. Each level of the MJCF respects the decisions taken by the higher level. In return, the higher echelon must take into account the opinions and feedback of grassroots activists, thus guaranteeing that decisions are rooted in the reality on the ground. This ensures the unity of the movement, while guaranteeing that debates take place within the framework provided. The democratic nature of the movement is at the heart of the democratic centralism that the MJCF embraces.
Democratic centralism can be summed up as follows: ‘total freedom in discussion, unity in action’. The democratic aspect ensures collective decision-making: freedom of debate in the bodies set up for this purpose within the MJCF and constant feedback from members based on their experiences. The centralist aspect ensures unity of action, by respecting the decisions of the higher echelons and ensuring that they are strictly applied, as well as respecting the governing bodies and their members, and respect for national and federal bodies and executives. It implies a permanent link with the movement's management, particularly through regular monitoring in each federation.
Once a decision has been taken democratically, all members must respect and defend it publicly and show discipline, even in the event of disagreement. In the event of disagreement, it is essential not to express criticism in public, but to discuss matters internally in order to preserve the unity and cohesion of the organisation.
The NC [National council] is responsible for ensuring the ideological, organisational and militant coherence of the movement at national level. The monitoring system, a prerequisite for mass organisation. Monitoring members of the NC occupy a key position within their federations. They must be able to go there face-to-face several times a year and be available to federal executives, with weekly telephone calls. Executives must be particularly attentive to the profiles of comrades with experience who could be relevant for the monitoring role but who sometimes do not dare to apply to the NC. This issue is linked to the wider issue of under-candidacy for the NC, particularly among our female comrades."
There are also a lot of other important changes which I'll summarise now. There is a renewed emphasis on class struggle, the need to abolish private propriety and establish a planned economy. On class struggle, that is also shown in the updated section on the European Union, which in addition to being much longer also focuses for a big part of it on the role the EU plays in the domination of capital. Additionally, France's own role as an imperialist power is criticised more in the new text, not only within the EU and NATO but also in relation to former colonies in Africa as well as Kanaky-New Caledonia. And finally, the section on LGBTI rights is also greatly expanded in the new text, with an interesting passage on transition (defined in the text as three things: social transition, administrative transition and medical transition) as well as on the mutilation of intersex people; in contrast, the old text only had once sentence regarding LGBTI people, about how anti-LGBTI discrimination was a cause of patriarchal ideology. Here is what the new text has to say on transition:
"Transition paths must be facilitated. It is essential that these paths be supported medically and socially.
It must be possible to change one's marital status at the town hall on simple request, and the process must be streamlined. The use of hormones, regardless of the method used, must be fully reimbursed by Social Security.
A better understanding of transition paths is needed to provide this support. By transition we mean 3 different things: social transition, i.e. changing first names and pronouns in everyday life and wearing gender-affirming clothing; administrative transition, i.e. changing first names and sex on the civil register; medical transition, ranging from hormone treatment to surgery. A transgender person may undergo some or all of these transitions, sometimes without the support of family and/or friends, leading to social insecurity."
Overall I'm very happy with my comrades' work and I'm hopeful about the future of the MJCF. I'm a bit bummed out now that I still won't be in France for the next few years to see how these changes will be put into practice concretely within the movement.
